Are We Upset Because They Are Naked?

The only vulgar element in the controversy is us pretending to be righteous about restoring an isolated order after upsetting it

TEHELKA
, 13 January, 2011

The so-called human safari in the Jarawa reserve, as exposed by a British publication, seems to have outraged many of us. Watching fellow Indians dance on road for a handful of throwaways is certainly embarrassing. But before righteous indignation feeds on sheer hypocrisy, there is possibly room for a few questions.

Are we embarrassed because the Jarawas were entertaining tourists for a pittance? All over the country, hundreds of forest resorts organise customary tribal song and dance, mostly in hotel lawns or by the poolside. In most cases, what performers get is a free meal and a few rupees as tips (unless a foreign tourist or two suddenly feel generous). This is even part of the government’s tourism policy to benefit “local stakeholders” in tribal areas.

I recall numerous evenings when hotel guests enjoyed their drinks and discussions in the backdrop of such performances that inspired no more than casual curiosity. On occasion, a few guests would have turned their chairs to actually face and enjoy a performance, or exchange patronisingly lewd comments about the dancers going through their routines. I have never heard the media objecting to “insulting so many poor tribals and their traditional art” and that too for a meal and very little money.

So are we embarrassed because the Jarawas were, as TV channels keep harping, dancing nude? Hang on. Were they made to strip for entertainment? Any anthropologist familiar to Negritos can tell that the Jarawas do not normally wear clothes or attach any erotic value to their breasts (just like the act of kissing is alien to their idea of foreplay). It is only natural that they would dance in their traditional attire which is limited to string skirts and headbands.

Or does a sense of exotic voyeurism in tourists make the dance itself vulgar? Many a time, I have seen people leering at traditionally over-clad tribal dancers in Himachal (Malana), Rajasthan (Kalbelia), Gujarat (Banjara), Arunachal (Bodo) or Karnataka (Toda). Besides, many Indian tribes—several sub-groups of Gond tribals for example—other than the Jarawas dress minimally and do tourist routines without embarrassing too many of us. And leering and voyeurism, needless to say, is limited neither to attire, nor culture nor geography.

But if this outrage is about ‘exploitation’ or ‘commodification’ of tribals in general, what about the lot of those non-tribal or less marginalised thousands even in cities who are not fortunate enough to perform for crowds that actually queue up to buy tickets for their shows and are often treated by restaurant clients as nothing more than human décor or, worse, readily available? Or do we believe that while others, less isolated tribals included, are making a conscious choice for livelihood, the Jarawas are being taken for a ride? That they are innocent wild creatures who do not understand what is going on? If that is the cause for our outrage, we could not be more wrong or patronising.


The Jarawas are simply exercising a new choice brought to them by their proximity to outsiders forced on them by the Indian state. They eagerly line up on both sides of the highway that cut through their forests during the three-month tourist season. But they also know the limits of the deal. Like all Negritos, they are spontaneous dancers. So it is not a big deal for the Jarawas to break into a little jig for something in return. It would be interesting to note the Jarawas’ reaction had the tourists asked them to do something other than what is their second nature.

Then again, is it, as researchers point out, the isolated tribe’s lack of immunity to contemporary diseases that make us worry? The Jarawas have been subject to frequent friendship missions since the days of the raj. It is true that their hostility towards outsiders saved them from the rapid extermination suffered by the Great Andamanese due to syphilis contracted on an epidemic scale from early batches of notorious convicts and their equally wayward custodians.

Today, rape is not so common and anyway, better medicines for venereal infections have been long developed. However, the frequency of ‘contact missions’ to befriend the Jarawas only increased after Independence. So did the frequency of Jarawa raids of the orchards owned by settlers who encroached upon their forests. Between 1998 and 2004, when the Jarawa youth suddenly decided to reach out to the world outside, interaction with non-tribal settlers became routine. They learnt to barter or sell honey, etc for alcohol and tobacco. During this time, all government hospitals bordering the tribal reserve opened special Jarawa wards.

Evidently, the Jarawas have been in regular touch with the local settlers at least for one-and-a-half decades. Moreover, contraction of diseases does not require handing out edible stuff by tourists (anyway, most sarkari ‘contact missions’ did that). Once the Andaman Trunk Road was in place and traffic became regular through the Jarawa reserve, nothing stopped the tribals to scavenge on leftovers discarded from passing vehicles.

Of course, interaction with outsiders has not been beneficial to the Jarawas. More than growing a taste for biscuits, they have taken to chewing tobacco and drinking. After romanticising for years over ‘mainstreaming’ them, the administration was at a loss when the Jarawa youth decided to mingle with local settlers. Thankfully, the ancient tribe has retreated inside their forest once again since 2004. But the new addicts still depend on the outside world for their fix. But as long as the highway keeps bringing the increasingly-less-alien world deep inside their shrinking sanctuary, they are free to choose how to engage with outsiders however outrageous it might seem to us.

It speaks a lot for our civilised benevolence that the Jarawas are slowly but steadily going the ways of their ancient almost-extinct neighbours—the Great Andamanese and the Onge. The Sentinelis are the only exception thanks to the impregnable coral reefs that make landing in their little island (where they are confined) treacherous for most months and the tribe’s unwavering hostile refusal to sustained overtures of ‘contact’. They survived the 2005 tsunami on their own even though their little island was tilted by the onslaught.

Unfortunately, the mainstream has lost the opportunity to learn from the traditional wisdom of the ancient, their knowledge of the archipelago’s medicinal treasures, or nature’s apparently mysterious ways that helped the tribes survive in one of the world’s most hostile places for over 30,000 years. Instead, the sole inhabitants of the archipelago about 200 years back have been reduced to less than 0.1 per cent of the present population by rapid extermination and influx of outsiders. Even a decade after a Supreme Court order to shut down the Anadaman Trunk Road to safeguard whatever remains of the Jarawas, the highway is still operational as a lifeline to the mainstream ferrying disease, addiction, and hypocrisy.

Frankly, the only outrageous, even vulgar, element in the present controversy is our callous enthusiasm in upsetting a perfect isolated order by criminal intrusion and then pretending to be righteous about restoring it.

A Close Look At Didi's Numbers

The TMC seems to have a workable strategy for success without the Congress

OPEN
, 12 January, 2011

KOLKATA ~ We know the Congress is in no hurry to lose the Trinamool Congress (TMC). On paper, the Samajwadi Party’s 22 MPs can compensate for the TMC’s 19 in the Lok Sabha. But even a great show in the five state polls will not take the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) anywhere near the halfway mark in the Rajya Sabha, where the TMC is all set to increase its strength to eight this year. The TMC also needs to stay in the UPA so that Mamata can squeeze the Centre for funds to fuel the beleaguered Bengal economy.

Yet, the war of words is getting ugly. Clearly, the Bengal Congress is in no mood to cut another lopsided deal for the forthcoming Panchayat polls where the party controls 99 zila parishads, compared to the TMC’s 120. Also, the TMC’s growth plan calculates that, after the 2010 landslide, eating into the anti-Left space occupied by the Congress is easier than making further inroads into the residual Left vote bank of die-hards.

The TMC has already broken away two Congress Panchayat units in north Bengal. Understandably, the state Congress leadership feels that the party is better off contesting the Panchayat polls on its own. So far, the pressure of the High Command has kept such sentiments in check.

So Mamata’s routine provocations are crafted to incite the Bengal Congress in such a way that she does not have to do the dirty job ofsnapping ties. Curiously, TMC strategists prefer to disassociate with the Congress in phases, starting at the Panchayat level, followed by the Assembly, and then the Centre.

To believe TMC insiders, all of these are part of the party’s well thought-out ‘Congress policy’. First, the TMC wants to dump and marginalise the Congress in the state, aware that the latter is too hamstrung, for now, to return the compliment at the Centre. Subsequently, the TMC will evaluate the fortunes of the UPA in the run-up to the 2014 general elections and decide whether to contest on its own and dominate the winning alliance with a good number of MPs, or, if the UPA is truly in the dock, strike a pre-poll alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).


Mamata holds absolute control in south Bengal, where she can reap a handsome majority even if all other parties unite against her. It is in the north that she needs support. Here, the numbers tell an interesting story. Consider the last Assembly polls. In Malda’s Habibpur, the CPM defeated the TMC by a 1.43 per cent swing, while the BJP bagged 20.07 per cent. To estimate the allied contribution of the Congress in the TMC’s vote share, remember that the Congress on its own had managed just 6.58 per cent here in 2006.

In Jalpaiguri’s Dhupguri, the TMC (39.82 per cent) lost narrowly to the CPM (42.25 per cent) and the BJP bagged 10.65 per cent. In 2006, the Congress on its own had managed 2.89 per cent. In Birbhum’s Mayureshwar, 6,520 was the margin of the CPM victory over the TMC. The BJP drew 31,031 (19.46 per cent) votes. In 2006, the Congress vote share here was 8.33 per cent.

The story is repeated in Cooch Behar North where the Forward Bloc defeated the TMC by 2,197 votes and the BJP got 12,608. In Nadia’s Palashipara, the CPM defeated the TMC by 1,652 votes with the BJP cutting away 8,145. In Jalpaiguri’s Madarihat, the BJP came second, with 26 per cent votes, to the RSP (31.93 per cent), drawing much more than the Congress (19.54 per cent).

Not that the trend is entirely north Bengal-specific. For example, In North 24 Parganas’ Sandeshkhali, the CPM beat the TMC by 4,232 votes and the BJP bagged 17,425. But the BJP evidently has a bigger presence in the northern districts, where, barring north Dinajpur, its vote share is higher than its humble state average of 4.04 per cent.

Out of 95 seats in the eight districts of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar, South Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad, Birbhum and Nadia, BJP-backed candidates won four, the party came second in one, and in 44 seats it bagged more votes than the victory margin of the winning candidate. In the remaining 199 seats in the south, its vote crossed the victory margin only in 35 seats.

The same trend was apparent in the 2009 Lok Sabha polls. The BJP won the Darjeeling seat. In Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri, the party bagged 21.40 and 9.15 per cent votes, respectively. It made a mark in seats such as Balurghat (6.82 per cent), Malda North (6.68 per cent), Balurghat (6.82 per cent) or Bolpur (6.50 per cent). Down south, the party’s vote share dwindled. For example, in coastal Kanthi, the BJP managed 2.84 per cent of votes and in Kolkata’s Jadavpur, just 2.34 per cent.

The BJP still cannot influence outcomes in too many seats even in north Bengal. In many constituencies, the TMC-Congress combine won in 2010 despite the BJP slicing away big chunks of non-Left votes. Nevertheless, the BJP’s less-than-pushover status in the north, where the TMC can do with a little help, seems to comfort Mamata’s strategists. Moreover, the TMC will have to offer far fewer seats to the BJP than even a compromised Congress would bargain for.

But, like in 2006, a saffron ally will also distance some of Bengal’s 25 per cent Muslim voters from the TMC. However, Mushirdabad and Malda districts, where the Muslim vote is the most decisive, are traditional Congress strongholds where the TMC (with one seat each in 2010) cannot anyway hope to get a foothold on its own.

In the four southern districts—North 24 Parganas, East Medinipur, Hooghly and Kolkata—with a strong Muslim presence, the TMC holds absolute sway (51–61 per cent votes in 2010), and enjoys staunch Muslim support thanks to its role in the Nandigram (East Medinipur) and Singur (Hooghly) agitations. In Birbhum and South 24 Parganas, though, the TMC may suffer if it loses a chunk of Muslim votes.

So what is Mamata’s game? In any case, looking to maximise the party’s numbers in Parliament and play kingmaker, the West Bengal Chief Minister may not be keen at all on a pre-poll alliance. But irrespective of her future with the BJP, she is all set to snap ties with the Congress. It is only a question of time, really.