An unusually
productive meeting of the National Board for Wildlife has raised hope. But will
the prime minister deliver?
IN HIS statement on coal block allocation last week, PM Manmohan Singh
blamed “cumbersome processes involved in getting statutory clearances” for the
private parties’ failure to achieve their production targets. This was in line
with his other observations critical to environmental norms that have been
apparently pulling down the growth rate.
So when the PM convened
what is supposed to be the annual meeting of the National Board for Wildlife
(NBWL) after 29 months on 5 September, a section of the green constituency
expected “fireworks”. The PM’s increasingly public criticism of green
roadblocks apart, the recent record of the ministry itself frustrated a number
of NBWL members. Since it is not feasible for the 47-member NBWL to meet too
frequently, a 10- member Standing Committee takes stock of proposals for
diversion of forestland every three months. During these meetings lasting three
hours or so, dozens of projects are cleared in an unusual hurry.
A couple of months
before he left the green ministry, Jairam Ramesh considered 59 project
proposals in a little over two hours in 2011, rejecting only four. On most occasions,
opposition by NBWL members are brushed aside citing lack of time. Often minutes
are tweaked to claim a consensus even after members submit written objections.
Anticipating the
growing outrage, Environment Minister Jayanthi Natarajan took the lead on 5
September before members could launch an offensive. “Many of you feel that the
NBWL has become a clearing house. But only 18 proposals have been cleared
during my tenure,” she reportedly said, quickly forming a sub-committee to
revamp the rules of proceedings. “There can be a provision for the minister to
overrule objections by members after duly recording the same but the entire
board cannot be made to look complacent,” said a member.
Fireworks were
avoided again when the minister agreed to seek more funds from the Planning
Commission to support wildlife areas other than tiger reserves. This fiscal
year, Project Tiger was sanctioned Rs 167.70 crore, while the allocation for
India’s 600-odd protected areas was just Rs 73.50 crore.
The Centre’s Rs
800 crore Integrated Development of Wildlife Habitat (IDWH) initiative earmarks
only Rs 250 crore to look after the protection of all wildlife outside
protected forests across the country. Natarajan also agreed to set up a Central
body to monitor recovery strategies of 16 critically endangered species and
enhance the present budget of Rs 100 crore under the IDWH.
The 11th Plan
earmarked Rs 778 crore for the 40 tiger reserves. During the same period,
Project Elephant got only Rs 82 crore. The minister accepted, in principle, the
proposal for setting up a National Elephant Conservation Authority and assured
the NBWL to bring key elephant corridors under the protected areas network in
the forthcoming amendment of the Wildlife Protection Act.
Next up for
discussion was the contentious issue of project proponents obtaining green
clearances through a strategic fait accompli. It has become a routine to start
work on a project after securing the environmental clearance and then citing
the quantum of investment already made as a justification for demanding the
wildlife clearance. Acknowledging the problem, Natarajan assured the NBWL that
environmental clearance will henceforth be considered provisional till wildlife
clearance is granted.
All these
assurances, if delivered, will make for more stringent compliance to green laws
and, therefore, can be viewed as additional roadblocks by those obsessed with
growth. All this while, the PM maintained a stoic silence in the meeting. In
fact, he barely spoke after delivering his brief chairman’s speech.
Given the PM’s
public belligerence to “environmental licence raj”, it is difficult to imagine
a sudden change of heart. Not surprising that a number of NBWL members have
vowed to follow up on the decisions made and assurances offered right from the
stage of preparation of the meeting’s minutes.
The coal scam
unfolded under his watch and Manmohan Singh has since been accused of Qui
tacet consentire. But when it comes to stricter green laws, prime
ministerial silence may not necessarily imply consent.
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