While putting a hopeless Congress in a bind and promising to
put the country first, Modi’s first direct pitch for prime ministership could
not hide his authoritarian streak
Narendra Modi is by far India’s most effective public
speaker in politics. He is such a natural that disasters like Manmohan Singh or
Rahul Gandhi don’t even compare. His earthy rhetoric and powerful delivery easily
work the masses. It helps that he is not a stickler for details, facts or
decorum.
But while craftiness is a virtue in politics, a leader must
also sound sincere while delivering the most craftily drafted speech. Modi’s
first direct pitch for the top job yesterday was deliciously wicked in parts.
He put the floundering Congress on the ropes by challenging Akbar Road
spokespersons to defend Rahul Gandhi without sounding sympathetic to Nawaz Sharif
and, if they succeed at that, to explain if Manmohan Singh’s meekness -- both
personal and political -- was provocation enough for the Pak PM’s reported impertinence.
Then, he mimicked how Singh pleaded for help before Obama.
Modi also came across as unusually sincere. In fact, he carried
rare notes and his speech stumbled a few times. Those impression of a leader
looking inward for the felt word, or downward at a chit, were enhanced by his
emphasis on governance-for-all, the promise of putting the country first and
the Constitution above all else. The personal touch in recalling his days as a
struggler underlined the anti-corruption message and his image of a sevak. It was
also the perfect inspiration for the kind of progress – from a roadside tea
stall to the South Block – he promised every youth of the country.
Of course, he also peddled his “dream team” to replace the
UPA’s “dirty team”. It was consistent with his penchant for alliteration but
the claim of conjuring up a coalition of non-corrupt allies was probably the
most perfunctory bit of the speech. The emphasis was probably on the “team” bit
since Modi does not want to be seen ploughing a lonely furrow and the mere possibility
of attracting more than a handful of allies, corrupt or not, must be comforting
enough at this stage.
Frankly, irrespective of the veracity of the media wisdom that
Modi will struggle to draw enough allies if he fails to take the BJP tally
beyond 200, many find the moral high ground that seeks to perpetuate his
political untouchability over the top. Time and again, governments could not or
did not defend innocents against rioting mobs across India. While the rabid
never required any reasoning, the cynic may not rush to punish Modi as the
only, or even the biggest, sinner.
At the same time, Modi’s doctored achievements in developing
Gujarat and his resistance to financial scrutiny will not come in the way of an
anti-incumbency sweep against the Congress. Indeed, the scale of corruption and
loot of natural resources would have reduced the Congress to below-100 seats
but for a few important, though poorly implemented, measures such as NREGA and
the Food Security Act.
Anyway, a large majority of voters will vote against the Congress
in 2014. But most of them will not vote for Modi. Not all of them grudge Modi’s
past or his dubious growth numbers. There are many who resent Modi for his
inbuilt authoritarianism. Even while striking a number of right chords in his
highly successful speech yesterday, the careful prime ministerial candidate
gave out enough to stoke their fears.
While describing the ludicrous Singh-Sharif episode, Modi
stressed, repeatedly, that a few Indian journalists hosted by the Pakistan PM
were enjoying the breakfast spread too much to walk out in protest when Sharif
apparently insulted Singh. Then, attacking Singh for pleading with the USA with
a begging bowl, Modi compared him with the filmmakers who apparently sell
India’s poverty to win awards abroad.
For the record, the Pakistani government clarified that
Sharif cracked a joke and did not use any derogatory language. In the Indo-US
joint statement issued on 27 September, the word “poverty” appears once: “The
Leaders resolved to work together to end extreme poverty, including through
expanding efforts to end preventable child deaths through the Child Survival
Call to Action.”
In any case, should there be a code of conduct based on
protocol for journalists? Should a reporter leave midway through an interaction
every time he feels a foreign official or national is critical of his country
or countrymen? Won’t that amount to giving up the opportunity to report a negative
opinion? In any case, is it not for an individual professional to decide where
to draw the line? Did every woman reporter pull out the last time a politician
referred to a woman by a colourful adjective or price tag?
And what does Modi signal by trashing films that sell
poverty to win foreign awards? Who decides what is selling poverty? Will
filmmakers need ethical clearance from his government? His government banned Parzania, probably for selling poverty
of thought, in Gujarat though the film won two national awards and nothing
abroad. Aamir Khan’s Fanaa was also
blocked, unofficially, probably for selling the poverty of families displaced
by the construction of Narmada dam.
It is not a coincidence that Modi rarely hides his
admiration for China, or that those who root for Modi share much of his values
and are excited about putting the wayward liberals in their place when he
occupies South Block. They want to decide for others with Modi till Modi starts
deciding for them.
Other political parties have their share of autocrats. The
Congress has growth hawks who, given their way, will junk all rule books
tomorrow. It has ministers who want to crack down on social media. But the
presence of multiple power centres in the party creates a semblance of balance.
Most regional parties are one-leader shows and the result is showing in states
such as Bengal. But these leaders never had or will have a free run at the
Centre.
The BJP today is the only national party with a single,
uncontested leader. It is very unlikely that Modi can become PM without the
support of allies who will cram him for space. Yet, he may change the ideas of freedom
and dissent. Those who back authoritarianism may not realise its danger till
they themselves are at the receiving end. But an instinctively authoritarian
leader is making many uncomfortable. Particularly when he cannot hide his spots
even at his measured best.
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