Modi is a great orator, but his speech should also worry us

While putting a hopeless Congress in a bind and promising to put the country first, Modi’s first direct pitch for prime ministership could not hide his authoritarian streak


Narendra Modi is by far India’s most effective public speaker in politics. He is such a natural that disasters like Manmohan Singh or Rahul Gandhi don’t even compare. His earthy rhetoric and powerful delivery easily work the masses. It helps that he is not a stickler for details, facts or decorum.

But while craftiness is a virtue in politics, a leader must also sound sincere while delivering the most craftily drafted speech. Modi’s first direct pitch for the top job yesterday was deliciously wicked in parts. He put the floundering Congress on the ropes by challenging Akbar Road spokespersons to defend Rahul Gandhi without sounding sympathetic to Nawaz Sharif and, if they succeed at that, to explain if Manmohan Singh’s meekness -- both personal and political -- was provocation enough for the Pak PM’s reported impertinence. Then, he mimicked how Singh pleaded for help before Obama.

Modi also came across as unusually sincere. In fact, he carried rare notes and his speech stumbled a few times. Those impression of a leader looking inward for the felt word, or downward at a chit, were enhanced by his emphasis on governance-for-all, the promise of putting the country first and the Constitution above all else. The personal touch in recalling his days as a struggler underlined the anti-corruption message and his image of a sevak. It was also the perfect inspiration for the kind of progress – from a roadside tea stall to the South Block – he promised every youth of the country.

Of course, he also peddled his “dream team” to replace the UPA’s “dirty team”. It was consistent with his penchant for alliteration but the claim of conjuring up a coalition of non-corrupt allies was probably the most perfunctory bit of the speech. The emphasis was probably on the “team” bit since Modi does not want to be seen ploughing a lonely furrow and the mere possibility of attracting more than a handful of allies, corrupt or not, must be comforting enough at this stage.

Frankly, irrespective of the veracity of the media wisdom that Modi will struggle to draw enough allies if he fails to take the BJP tally beyond 200, many find the moral high ground that seeks to perpetuate his political untouchability over the top. Time and again, governments could not or did not defend innocents against rioting mobs across India. While the rabid never required any reasoning, the cynic may not rush to punish Modi as the only, or even the biggest, sinner.

At the same time, Modi’s doctored achievements in developing Gujarat and his resistance to financial scrutiny will not come in the way of an anti-incumbency sweep against the Congress. Indeed, the scale of corruption and loot of natural resources would have reduced the Congress to below-100 seats but for a few important, though poorly implemented, measures such as NREGA and the Food Security Act.

Anyway, a large majority of voters will vote against the Congress in 2014. But most of them will not vote for Modi. Not all of them grudge Modi’s past or his dubious growth numbers. There are many who resent Modi for his inbuilt authoritarianism. Even while striking a number of right chords in his highly successful speech yesterday, the careful prime ministerial candidate gave out enough to stoke their fears.

While describing the ludicrous Singh-Sharif episode, Modi stressed, repeatedly, that a few Indian journalists hosted by the Pakistan PM were enjoying the breakfast spread too much to walk out in protest when Sharif apparently insulted Singh. Then, attacking Singh for pleading with the USA with a begging bowl, Modi compared him with the filmmakers who apparently sell India’s poverty to win awards abroad.

For the record, the Pakistani government clarified that Sharif cracked a joke and did not use any derogatory language. In the Indo-US joint statement issued on 27 September, the word “poverty” appears once: “The Leaders resolved to work together to end extreme poverty, including through expanding efforts to end preventable child deaths through the Child Survival Call to Action.”

In any case, should there be a code of conduct based on protocol for journalists? Should a reporter leave midway through an interaction every time he feels a foreign official or national is critical of his country or countrymen? Won’t that amount to giving up the opportunity to report a negative opinion? In any case, is it not for an individual professional to decide where to draw the line? Did every woman reporter pull out the last time a politician referred to a woman by a colourful adjective or price tag?

And what does Modi signal by trashing films that sell poverty to win foreign awards? Who decides what is selling poverty? Will filmmakers need ethical clearance from his government? His government banned Parzania, probably for selling poverty of thought, in Gujarat though the film won two national awards and nothing abroad. Aamir Khan’s Fanaa was also blocked, unofficially, probably for selling the poverty of families displaced by the construction of Narmada dam.

It is not a coincidence that Modi rarely hides his admiration for China, or that those who root for Modi share much of his values and are excited about putting the wayward liberals in their place when he occupies South Block. They want to decide for others with Modi till Modi starts deciding for them.

Other political parties have their share of autocrats. The Congress has growth hawks who, given their way, will junk all rule books tomorrow. It has ministers who want to crack down on social media. But the presence of multiple power centres in the party creates a semblance of balance. Most regional parties are one-leader shows and the result is showing in states such as Bengal. But these leaders never had or will have a free run at the Centre.

The BJP today is the only national party with a single, uncontested leader. It is very unlikely that Modi can become PM without the support of allies who will cram him for space. Yet, he may change the ideas of freedom and dissent. Those who back authoritarianism may not realise its danger till they themselves are at the receiving end. But an instinctively authoritarian leader is making many uncomfortable. Particularly when he cannot hide his spots even at his measured best.

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