Kahuna In Kashi

Modi stamps his authority on Varanasi. Kejriwal takes home enough to fight another day.


It’s noon at Varanasi’s Pahariya mandi. Not a single supporter of the Aam Aadmi Party, or any party other than the BJP for that matter, was to be seen outside the fortified counting centre. It would be another four hours before Arvind Kejriwal would formally concede defeat. But a bunch of young BJP supporters grinningly assured me that the body count would not rise at the city’s Manikarnika ghat where pyres burn round the clock by the Ganga.

During the count in 2009, Murli Manohar Joshi had lost the first two assembly segments – Rohaniya and Sevapuri – to his BSP rival Mukhtar Ansari. The setback gave one Sahuji, Joshi’s election manager, a heart attack. By the time the remaining three segments made Joshi victorious by a slender margin of 17,000 votes, Sahuji was dead. “Suppose we topple the Modi applecart. The shock will keep the ghat busy for a few days,” a local AAP functionary cracked up the evening before D-day.

Dismissing his darkly mischievous humour, I landed up at the ghat myself, only to be confronted by a burly middle-aged trader at the edge of an ancient staircase. “What do you mean by how big a victory we expect for Modi?” he challenged me. “Modi Varanasi se haar kar ke nahin ja sakta kya (Do you think Modi can’t lose in Varanasi)?”

I did carry the thought as a journalistic curiosity from Delhi but none of the voters or functionaries across party lines I chatted up in Lucknow, Rae Bareli, Amethi, Pratapgarh or Varanasi gave me any reason to nurture it. Even a few AAP volunteers confided that they were looking at a moral victory by denying Narendra Modi a margin any bigger than 50,000.

By noon, Modi took a lead of over one lakh. Six hours later, it would swell to 3.7 lakh. Not quite the record margin of Vadodara but enough to show “the upstart” his place. For now.

Maybe it is the Amit Shah effect but a senior leader at BJP’s campaign headquarters in Varanasi quickly drew up the numbers. “About 11 lakh votes were cast here. Let’s give the Congress, SP and BSP together some 2 lakh. Even if Kejriwal takes all the Muslim votes, say up to one and a half lakh, he will still not cross two lakhs. We estimate five and a half to six lakh for Modi-ji. That’s a margin of four lakhs,” he concluded matter-of-factly.

Kejriwal eventually crossed the two-lakh mark but by only nine thousand votes Modi stopped just 19,000 short of six lakh. The margin of error in the BJP’s math was just 7%. By noon, it was time for celebrations in Varanasi.

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Two new leaders were born in Varanasi this election season. One galvanized his new cult as India’s undisputed man of the hour; another, till now primarily an urban politician, learnt to engage and be patient with the rural voter. It wasn’t easy for either.

“The party started thinking that they could nominate a tree and still win here. But 2009 gave them a scare. To make matters worse, Joshi did nothing for Varanasi other than widening a bridge here and laying a road there in five years. People were unhappy. Modi would have still won but ensuring a befitting margin was a challenge,” a local BJP functionary admitted at the party camp set up close to the counting centre.

The symbolism of a mega triumph at Varanasi gained from a masterstroke in politics: the way Modi turned around his party’s fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. Take the tech-savvy campaign, for example. Piyush Vardhan Singh, convener of the party’s regional IT cell, was an important spoke in the party’s giant wheel that engaged 10,000-odd mostly young professionals and students in UP alone.

“We had nine divisions in the state. We at Varanasi were looking after the city and 14 districts. That means working social media handles to send out the right message. On polling days, we doubled up as booth agents to help voters find their names in the revised rolls,” explained Singh, a full-timer with the cell.

If the likes of the Singh ensured that nobody returned from the booth without voting, the arduous task of getting the reluctant voters, particularly senior citizens, to the booths was taken up by the members of the Sangh. “Our parents and grandparents voted after many years. Varanasi is laidback. While people love to debate politics, not many turn up to vote. This time, Sangh members were also active in getting people out of their houses,” said a young BJP worker who along with his friends ferried voters throughout polling day.

The third triumph of Modi was in an unprecedented consolidation of the Hindu vote. With a large number of OBCs and Dalits backing the BJP, the party’s vote share jumped from 18 to 43 per cent in the state and nearly doubled in Varanasi. It did not hurt that Modi flaunted his own OBC status.

“Modi-ji promised every sect – be it the weavers of Varanasi or the Dalits and Jats of western UP – something or the other and they all responded positively,” said a young marketing executive who returned to Varanasi from Lucknow to vote for the BJP. “But I don’t know if he will be able to satisfy all. Shayad sinni bana ke sab me thoda thoda baant denge (maybe he will make candies and distribute a few to each).”

Political opponents, however, accused the BJP of polarizing the voters on communal lines. Subtle (in stage décor) and overt (in speeches) use of Hindutva symbolisms and constant reminding of minority vote banks did influence a pan-Hindu consolidation. “It is unclear if it was the promise of development or communal polarization that helped the BJP break the caste barrier,” said a rare Congress voter who found the names of his family members missing from the electoral roll on 12 May.

As the trends became evident on counting day, he marveled at the BJP’s “give no quarters” approach. “Who knows, given the hype, maybe even my family would have voted for Modi,” he sounded both awed and rattled.

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The idea of taking on Modi in Varanasi, agreed even a section of AAP volunteers, perhaps cost the AAP a few seats. “Kejriwal could have devoted more time in Delhi and its neighbourhood. Anyway, he was destined to lose against Modi,” said a ticket inspector aboard the Lucknow-Varanasi Express. “Other parties exploited his political immaturity in Delhi and gave him a bad name. He is such a fine man.”

The “fine man” was a “nobody” in Varanasi till the second week of April when he struggled to find a campaign office in the city. Mukund Singh, a local businessman, offered him a four-storey building for a maintenance fee of Rs 30,000. “I could tell my neighbours and friends who resented my support for Kejriwal against Modi that it was a business decision,” he recalled.

It took Kejriwal and his team of a few thousand volunteers less than a month to build a mass support base in Varanasi. “He reached out to the poor in villages who were waiting for an opportunity to say no to the conventional parties. The Muslims, Patels and even certain pockets of Yadavs rallied around him. He will get at least three lakh votes,” Kejriwal’s ‘landlord’ had claimed the day before counting.

That estimate turned out to be too optimistic on Friday. Prerna Prasad from Delhi, holed up with AAP workers in a house close to the counting centre, complained that certain groups who promised support and even campaigned for her party probably did not vote for Kejriwal.

But for all the attacks on AAP volunteers in Varanasi and the Kejriwals being told to leave Sankat Mochan temple in the run-up to polls, it was difficult to find someone who had strong words for the streetfighter. Barring a section of young BJP workers, most admitted that they found him to be “a gentleman”. But few said they voted for him. The bulk of AAP’s vote came from the rural poor who were equally charmed by Kejriwal’s easy ways and had little to lose by betting on him.

By 9 pm, raucous BJP supporters had called it a day; after all, Modi was dropping by the next day to offer thanks. Vinod Shankar Shukla, a traditional silk merchant, was happy to reclaim his quiet spot by Assi ghat. He had expected a bigger margin for Modi but admitted he was not short of admiration for Kejriwal either.

“Those who are not benefiting from this system need him. He wants to do good work. But he also needs to tell the people what his plans are. Varanasi has given him hope and time to return stronger,” Shukla paused. A strong grassy waft blew in our direction by the slow tide. “Most people smoke up here but some prefer our bhang thandai,” Shukla smiled. “Varanasi is also called Anand Nagari. One must learn to take it easy here.”


Late afternoon on Friday, Kejriwal thanked Anand Nagari for all its love. For a man in a hurry, Varanasi probably wasn’t the right choice. Or maybe he just ran into a man in a bigger hurry to fulfill his destiny. Varanasi isn’t calling time.

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